The Result of University Cost-Cutting Measures . . .

the Plausible Deniability Blog takes up where the PostModernVillage blog left off. While you'll see many of the same names here, PDB allows its writers and editors a space away from financial strum und drang that torpedoed the PMV blog.
Showing posts with label mental health. Show all posts
Showing posts with label mental health. Show all posts

Friday, June 20, 2025

Medicaid and the "Able-Bodied Man" (Tinged with the Lens of Mental Health)

 First of all, there aren't nearly as many as politicians on the right imply. Unless you live in a state that has expanded Medicaid, most "able bodied men" who get Medicaid benefits are either unemployable because of a disability of some kind or employed but still too poor to afford insurance, even on the "market" created by the Affordable Care Act. Weakening the ACA's expansion provision without completely axing a popular program is, I believe, the real reason Republicans are proposing "reform"; it has nothing to do with fraud, abuse, or the exploitation of the program by a massive but silent cabal of "able bodied men."

As someone who worked alongside the public mental health system for seven years in a non-expansion state, I do have a few thoughts on the matter of reform, though.

The "able bodied men" I worked with, almost to a man, wanted to work. Work is an incredibly important part of the male self-image in America, especially acute in the plains, south, and the midwest, states as "Red" as they come. But mental health disabilities, while often not precluding work, still create tremendous levels of discrimination by employers (100% of the time, in my experience), despite the existence of the Americans with Disabilities Act. The ADA, while a potentially powerful tool, essentially requires someone to self-disclose a disability, opening them up to being denied employment on other pretexts. In the mental health field in particular, men are encouraged to accept disability and disabled identities, to parrot back to providers their diagnoses as fundamental parts of themselves. It was routine to be introduced to someone by name and diagnosis, even though the work I was called to do was ostensibly based on recovery and moving beyond being identified as an illness.

By accepting the life of a mental patient, benefits and services—many of them quite helpful and valuable, such as housing and therapies—would be available to our ostensible "able bodied men." But this access also came with lifelong limitations, both from the system itself (more on those later) and within the minds of the men in the system. Despite wanting to work, these men often don't feel worthy of it, much less capable.

Once in the mental health system, 100% of them also become medicated. While many find these medications helpful, the meds often come with devastating side effects: lethargy; obesity; tardive dyskinesia, which weakens muscles and creates Parkinson's-like tremors. These medications can make the kind of work often open to those who want to work their way off the system, generally entry-level and labor intensive, all but impossible. And even if an "able bodied man" were to convince his service providers that he should seek alternative treatments, there are no guides for stepping down from psych meds, resulting in withdrawal syndromes that are often worse than the symptoms that led to the psychiatric diagnosis to begin with. Especially in rural areas, alternative therapies, such as talk therapies, are difficult to access or unavailable, so our supposed "able bodied man" is out of luck if he both wants help for his mental health challenges and an able body.

More generally, the entry-level work already mentioned that is available to those on Medicaid doesn't come with health insurance, doesn't pay well enough to purchase insurance via the ADA, is part time, and is dangerous or physically demanding. Kicking "able bodied men" off Medicaid will simply leave many of them impoverished, ill, and injured. With no other recourse, they will end up with unstable housing, inadequate nutrition, and frequent visits to the ER. This would shift costs from the public and onto private insurers, as these once "able bodied men" show up at hospitals with a mission to serve everyone regardless of ability to pay, therefore passing those costs along to those of us with private insurance coverage.

Thus an expensive public program becomes an even more expensive public problem, paid through ever-increasing health insurance costs for employers and the employees who qualify for benefits. Chances are that most Republican lawmakers haven't considered this, but it's possible many have but figure that the middle classes have just gotten used to paying more for insurance every year and won't make the connection to the Medicaid cuts they propose.

If we want to actually solve the problem, we should mandate a living wage and vastly expand Medicaid (or more properly Medicare, which, while flawed, is a much better system) to include everyone, much like every other industrialized nation has done. But, since obvious solutions are also politically radioactive in these United States, we could try these half-measures instead:

1. Emphasize preventative care. Private insurers are already starting to do this (though often poorly). While he is dreadfully wrong on many of the details, RFK, Jr. is right about this in the broad strokes. The system should pay out/subsidize prescriptions for nutritious foods, for example, which are often out of reach for those poor enough to qualify for Medicaid. Likewise for gym memberships, exercise equipment, and vouchers for safe and healthy housing. We're perpetuating the problem into infinity when kids of families that receive Medicaid are exposed to lead—whether that's through exposure to old paint or directly injected through the barrel of a gun.

2. Coordinate with other healthy living initiatives (and restore the ones the Trump administration has already killed). If we want to save public money in the long run, we need to spend it now cleaning up neighborhoods (and on lead abatement, as above), creating walkable cities, providing medical transportation in rural areas, and subsidizing neighborhood gardens.

3. Provide evidence-based alternative treatments. Plenty of talk and behavioral therapies have good evidence to back them, such as DBT, CBT, and exposure therapy (for PTSD). They're expensive at first but cheap in the long run. I'd rather pay for someone's equine therapy than see them debilitated by TD, if it comes to that. It makes little sense to have an environmentally damaging "all of the above" strategy for energy policies while not having a potentially helpful one for health care. Further, having more options is synergistic: better physical health leads to better mental health and makes people more employable, more "able bodied."

4. Create greater flexibility. Because so few entry level jobs provide benefits and are often hard on the bodies that do them, one should not have to face the binary choice of employment or benefits. A system designed to graduate benefit levels depending on income, availability of viable options on the ACA marketplace, and the healthcare needs of the individual could go a long way towards the every-"able bodied man"-employed vision of the political right.

The idea here goes beyond a safety net: if we want "able bodied men" to get off Medicaid and to "get back to work," we need a much more solid foundation from which they can launch.

Friday, July 15, 2022

The Problems with 988

A lot of reporting has been done on the purported boons of the new national 988 mental health crisis line. It promises to reduce the number of 911 calls on those experiencing internal distress, and, it is hoped, thereby reduce the number of people sent to jail inappropriately or traumatized or shot by cops showing up for a crisis instead of more helpful mental health professionals. The idea is that people experiencing extreme states of mind or psychological crises will “get the help they need” instead of criminal records and go on to lead fulfilling, productive lives.

There are numerous problems with this assumption. Let’s start at the point of crisis and go from there.


1. Calling 988 does not guarantee that a mental health professional will show up at your door.

That would only be the case in communities with an available crisis response team (CRT), which, geographically speaking, is a small fraction of the nation at this time (see The Takeaway podcast below), and even then, there’s no guarantee they meet national standards. In communities so served, CRTs may or may not be adequate in number or staffing to meet the needs of every 988 call deemed a true crisis. The trigger is generally “threat to self or others,” as determined by the 988 staff member who takes the call. Ideally, most calls will not result in a crisis being determined, and people will be referred to other services—a representative from NAMI, speaking recently on The Takeaway, estimates that 95% of callers will not be deemed to be in crisis, though it’s unclear where she got this statistic; a federal survey suggests 61% of crisis call outcomes were voluntary/collaborative.

However, if a CRT is not available, cops will show up, just like in the bad old days before 988, and it’s possible they will (re)traumatize you by tackling you, tasing you, handcuffing you, or, determining that you’re a threat to them, shooting you. This is more likely if you’re a person of color.

The way the members of this team treat you may or may not be appropriate for your situation or helpful to you: some CRTs may include, for example, a peer support worker, who is likely to understand what you’re going through, having experienced something similar. However, as someone who used to train peer support workers and support peer-to-peer program implementation, I can say that peer support workers are often dismissed by their co-workers and their opinions or actions overridden by mental health professionals who assume, by virtue of superior education or sane status, to know better. Even if your CRT has a peer support worker, there’s a good chance they won’t be allowed to do their job.

Indeed, crisis response is often an opportunity for coercion in the mental health field, and coercion generally just makes the problem worse. As the Intentional Peer Support model points out, it’s often better to take a non-coercive approach to crisis situations. But in the US, we’re stuck in an action-hero mindset that we must save people with direct action, even if we destroy half of Gotham in the process.


2. Often, people in crisis have been “get[ting] the help they need,” and it hasn’t helped. In fact, the help sometimes foments the crisis.

I read about mental health systems in which CBT, DBT, and other therapies are available, but I live in Kansas, and I don’t see that, except for privately insured people who are good at self-advocacy. What I do see in the public system are infantilizing and insulting psychosocial education groups and possibly helpful supported education and supported employment programs. Above all, though, what I see are psych meds—lots and lots of psych meds—a panoply of psychoactive substances doled out in massive doses and with almost ubiquitous polypharmacy.

These meds, while sometimes helpful, often have low efficacy (sometimes little better than placebo), and often have devastating and sometimes permanent side-effects. Switching meds when one doesn’t work for you is difficult, if not impossible for many: a person for whom I provide informal peer support was threatened by per prescriber with involuntary commitment to a state hospital if she didn’t stop asking for a change in medications, even though the side-effects of the ones she was on made it impossible for her work. (She was literally falling asleep on her feet at her retail job.) And this did not happen to her in the bad old days of Cuckoo’s Nest-level maltreatment. This happened last year, in 2021.

Side effects and few options, then, often lead people to stop taking their meds or to reject treatment to the degree they can; often people quit cold turkey. Or their prescibers actually listen to them but take them off of meds too quickly. Quitting or switching psych meds is always a perilous time, with withdrawal effects sometimes mimicking the very symptoms that got the person the diagnosis to begin with, and with others ranging from nausea and dissociation to “brain zaps,” which can last for weeks or months. In other words, the med merry-go-round can lead directly to, you guessed it, a mental health crisis.

988 advocates are relying on the very system that may have played a part in creating the crisis to fix the crisis. They are also assuming the appropriateness of crisis “care.”


3. Crisis “care” is often the source of trauma or retraumatization.

A few communities have short-term crisis centers. In Kansas, the three major metropolitan centers—Wichita, Topeka, and the Kansas City metro area—have short term crisis centers where people can cool off and get support and services for the 24-48 hours a mental health crisis generally lasts. These centers are much less coercive than traditional residential treatment (aka “psychiatric incarceration” to its critics) and tend to cost less and be preferred by users.

They’re also almost always full.

A handful of communities in the US are served by peer-run respite centers that house people for a week or more, and even fewer have short-to-medium-term residences run on the Soteria model.

Most places in the US have none of these things, which means a trip to the psych ward of the local hospital or to a state psychiatric hospital. In Kansas, you have two options for the latter, Osawatomie or Larned, and, as above, they are mostly full most of the time.

Based on my work in them, there you’ll find a situation little different from the way things were 45 or 50 years ago, only now you’ll stay for a few weeks instead of a few years. But it’s still involuntary commitment: you can’t leave until they say you can, and forced medication, seclusion, and physical restraint are common. And a trip to the state hospital is incredibly disruptive to a person’s life. If you’re single and live alone, as is the case with many who have long-term mental health challenges, during the weeks you’re there, you may lose your job, fall behind on rent and lose your housing, and lose any romantic relationships you may have formed. Your pets may die or be taken away, and if you have kids, they may be taken into the foster care system.

Recall that the peer I described above was threatened with a trip to the state hospital? All this is why. Mental health providers know the problems these facilities create, and they use the fear of them as leverage.

Further, there’s growing evidence that involuntary commitment in residential facilities actually increases suicidality, even when the severity of people’s distress is taken into account.

In other words, a call to 988 may not be preventing a suicide; it may merely be delaying one. And it may make one more likely.

As an alternative to hospitalization, many communities have implemented assisted outpatient treatment (AOT) or assertive community treatment (ACT) programs. But as these Orwellian titles suggest, these schemes merely bring the hospital into the community; they are sentences, not services, as the people involved have no choice but to participate (or the choice is these programs or the state hospital—which isn’t really much of a choice at all). These programs may be less acutely traumatizing, but they are still coercive by nature, and they rely on the “meds first and meds mostly” approach that has been the mainstay of mental health treatment for the past 40 years. The point is to keep you in the community and on your meds—to “stabilize” you and reduce your symptoms—not to foster actual recovery or return you to the driver’s seat of your life’s direction.


I am not saying that 988 is a bad idea; I am saying that it is attached to a set of mental health systems that are fundamentally and philosophically ill-equipped to actually help people (re)gain control over their lives and their life trajectories after a mental health crisis. 988 may appear to solve problems for the worried families and friends of suffering people and to those interested in “cleaning up” the places where people in frequent crisis end up—homeless encampments, shelters, local jails. But it won’t reform the system itself, the very system that has been failing these same suffering people over and over again.



Sunday, January 9, 2022

Against “Against Trauma”*

 by Lael Ewy


*The cover headline of the issue of Harper’s describing the essay discussed here.


All writing about mental health is, at least implicitly, a meditation on what the author thinks about her own. This is easy to see in the all-too-common-these-days semi-autobiographical novel. History bears out Esther Greenwood’s warning at the end of The Bell Jar that it may descend again, as, indeed, it did for Sylvia Plath. Joanne Greenberg’s mental health was relatively stable the rest of her life; the treatment Deborah Blau, Greenberg’s stand-in character, received in I Never Promised You a Rose Garden seemed to have worked. From the worlds of short fiction and poetry, there is Poe, whose work seems to be a denial of madness, a set of rational explanations for seemingly irrational acts, a (re)claiming of the very nature of interiority. Likewise, Dickinson, Lowell, Sexton, Roethke, and Plath (again) used poetry to posit their own experiences of madness not as incomprehensible but as a different, often higher, form of reasoning.

Examples from the world of literature are somewhat obvious; clinical, academic, and popular writing on madness, perhaps ironically, take a bit more to unpack.

By its definition in both common parlance and in the DSM, madness equals disorder. According to the clinical view, it is impossible to make sense of the content of madness because its content inherently makes no sense. The DSM uses medical terms such as symptomatology, remission, sequelae, prognosis, and diagnosis interchangeably with common terms like issues and factors to build a framework outside of the content of internal experiences it deems problematic. It mentions such things as persecutory paranoia, voice-hearing, sadness, and so forth briefly and through generalizations, only delving deeply enough so that these things can be identified and categorized and then allocated to places within the edifice of dysfunction, disorder, and disease. So committed is psychiatry to this experience-denying structure that it even ascribes the term “disorder” unironically to behavior that is defined by nothing other than order, namely obsessive-compulsive disorder, a contradiction on its face.

As someone who has used these behaviors in the past (You didn’t think I’d spare myself this essay’s opening notion, did you?), I can tell you that obsessions and compulsions are attempts to create order in a life, perhaps in a universe, that seems out of order, an attempt to regain control when things seem to be flying rapidly out of it, an overcompensation after a breakdown. It was terrible to go through and hard on those around me, but it served a purpose, one psychiatry and most of psychology could, by their natures, literally never understand. In their eyes, it was –I was—merely dys/dis, and for people who come to the psy-professions seeking help solving their personal problems instead of mere “treatment,” it’s hard not to feel dissed.

Clinical, academic, and popular approaches are, really, about othering experiences of extreme states of mind, denying those who experience them a right to their own stories. Those who write form these perspectives can safely distance themselves from the psychological toxin; they can convince themselves that, sufficiently dys/dissed, these experiences of extreme states of mind and overwhelming emotion in no way apply to themselves.

From my perspective not only as an English teacher, writer, and a lover of literature but also as a person with lived experience of some of these states of mind and feeling, it would have been much more useful to have been prescribed WB Yeats to deal with my issues in the ‘90s than Prozac. (In the end, I rejected Prozac in favor of Yeats by returning to school to study creative writing—something that a middle-class White male with private insurance could more easily get away with then.)

This brings me to Will Self’s “A Posthumous Shock: how Everything Became Trauma,” which appears in the December 2021 issue of Harper’s. If madness and literary writing about it are attempts at sensemaking; and clinical, academic, and popular approaches are attempts to deny extreme states of mind and emotion a right to make sense; Self’s essay seems to be an attempt to unmake the sense of trauma, which I am going to treat here alongside madness, as another example of an extremity played out in how we think, feel, and act.

Self begins with “Reassure me it’s like this for you too: you experience the unexpected—a psychic shock, a physical blow, a realization so disagreeable it sets you reeling—yet even as this event takes place in all its random spontaneity, it’s shadowed by the the thought: I should’ve anticipated it.” By doing this, he performs a bit of emotional ju-jitsu, pulling the reader into his perspective by calling on our help—we need to “reassure” the poor writer that our experiences are like his. He calls upon our kinder, better natures to help him, But then he describes the situation as “disagreeable.’ Really? This is how he wants us to help him think about trauma? The rest of the sentence uses terms we do associate with trauma, though: “psychic shock,” “a physical blow,” “sets you reeling.” As Self draws you in, asking for your empathy—begging for it, in fact—he simultaneously belittles the experience as “disagreeable.”

This is not a meditation on trauma we’re about to read; this is gaslighting.

Self’s essay continues in this vein:


I’m asking you, the reader, to identify with me at the outset. Not, I hasten to add, because I require your empathy for ethical reasons. It is easy to sleep in another man’s wound, as the old Irish proverb has it, and the discourses surrounding trauma all too easily default to this position at the individual level, while at the collective one they all too often raise their explanatory edifices on the high moral ground of other people’s suffering. No, I require your empathy in the strict sense: I want you to locate that response to even a mild shock securely in your own being.


“Mild shock”? As if trauma is even on the same scale.

He then goes on to claim to be writing this essay in order to understand “how” (emphasis his) trauma has “come to occupy” an “enormous role” in our lives, in our perspectives of the world.

He does nothing of the sort. Instead, Self moves to the DSM definition of PTSD—post-traumatic stress disorder—since doing so allows him to focus on the “post,” what we make of our experiences after we experience them, and thereby to dismiss most actual contemporary approaches to trauma, which are much more based on the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) study and the research it engendered than on anything else.

In fact, Self never mentions the ACEs study at all. It’s possible he’s never heard of it or didn’t bother to research it, but it’s also likely, since his essay mentions everyone from Dickens to Bessel van der Kolk, that he studiously ignores it since it shows overwhelming evidence against his point-of-view.

We’ll get to that point-of-view later. In the meantime, we have to address the problem of using the DSM, and the definition of trauma it implies, as a foundation, since, as noted above, it elides the meaning traumatic events have to the individual. To its credit, the DSM definition does include “marked physiological reactions” but then goes on to relegate these reactions to “internal or external cues that symbolize or resemble an aspect of the traumatic event.” For traumatized people, and I count myself as one, what the DSM is clumsily trying to describe here is what we commonly call a trigger. This word, like so many in the mental health realm, has been abused: a trigger isn’t just anything a person finds annoying—or, as Self might put it, “disagreeable.” It isn’t, as the DSM contends, merely “symbolic,” nor does it just “resemble” something traumatic; rather, it causes, for whatever reason, a physiological reaction to a perceived existential threat. When you’re triggered, you’re actually, not symbolically, reacting: you’re not being bothered by something “disagreeable”; you’re quite literally ready to fight, freeze, or flee

And that is the problem with both Self’s dismissive approach and the DSM’s inaccurate one: you can’t possibly understand it completely unless you’ve experienced it. It’s obvious from Self’s description early in his essay and from the DSM description that neither were written by anyone who has experienced what trauma is really like, and Self, by doing this, commits the very thing he accuses others of: occupying the moral high ground of other people’s suffering, claiming implicitly that he can define it when he really cannot.

Far from being in the past, trauma is very much in the present. Rather than a wound, trauma is a survival mechanism. Rather than, as van der Kolk contends, “the body keeps the score,” for the traumatized person, the trauma is the score played by the interaction between the self and survival.

Will Self goes on, immediately after the passage critiqued above, to claim to commit “heresy” by denying that trauma is physiological, contending that it is a function of Modernity that does not seem to be present in ancient literature. He then continues, claiming that, in contrast, schizophrenia is physiological, or at least ancient, since something like it is described in Western literature throughout time. There is very little evidence that schizophrenia is purely physiological, though, or even that the cluster of thoughts and behaviors associated with it in the DSM have much value as indicative of a single diagnosis, as Thomas Insel himself noted before he stepped down from his leadership of NIMH. (Notably, he later lamented that the “decade of the brain” research paradigm failed to produce much of therapeutic use at all.) Further, since many substances and conditions (everything from lack of sleep to corn smut) can create the same set of thoughts and behaviors we associate with schizophrenia, it’s difficult, if not impossible, to say what caused ancient accounts of this phenomenon.

The physiological underpinnings of trauma are not merely better founded than that of schizophrenia and other DSM diagnoses, they’re more clear: the aforementioned ACEs study showed an incredibly strong correlation between adverse childhood experiences and health problems later in life, and the role of such somatic substances as cortisol and adrenaline are much more closely related to fight-flight-freeze responses than dopamine is to schizophrenia or serotonin to depression.

Self should have mentioned this had he been approaching the subject responsibly. Instead, he picks on van der Kolk’s fMRI brain scans and the deconstructive literary criticism of Cathy Caruth, which, he later reveals, in lashing out at Jacques Derrida, that he fears as a threat to Western civilization and all its purported goods. This is ironic because, he claims, deconstruction is “wholly destructive of the Western Logos” and “absurd not only philosophically but morally as well,” as if denying the physiological reality of trauma, which affects millions of people, when he has ignored its best research, is somehow morally sound.

Self’s arguments here are hardly a case for why, or rather “how,” in Self’s parlance, trauma somehow took over the world. I worked for seven years in a role that often had me trying to help individuals and organizations become more trauma-informed, and I can tell you for sure that Cathy Caruth and Jacques Derrida never came up. Bessel van der Kolk’s 2014 book on trauma was mentioned occasionally, generally by social workers and a handful of psychologists, but it rarely factored in to actual practice. Far more useful, and a huge moral leap for most mental health services agencies, were the principles of trauma-informed care developed by the federal Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, which include such threats to the “Western Logos” as providing “empowerment, voice, and choice,” “collaboration and mutuality,” and respect for people’s sexual orientation and gender identity. (For the record, Bruce Perry’s neurosequential model was found to be more useful for those dealing with traumatized children, since it de-emphasizes talk-based therapy, which is generally less effective for children.)

If we were to take Self’s denial of trauma as both a physiological reality and a psychological state (Self denies that anything can be both) seriously and try to put them into practice, it would be a moral catastrophe, doing immensely more damage to traumatized people than our systems currently do, and far more damage than literary theorists have ever done. Simple acts such as creating opportunities for physical activity, breathwork, and having water available (as water is known to help metabolize cortisol) wouldn’t make sense under a Selfian trauma paradigm, and we would lose some of the easiest and most widely acceptable ways of accommodating trauma reactions.

Self’s critique of van der Kolk continues with the latter’s citation of Sophocles’s Ajax as useful for soldiers dealing with diagnoses of PTSD. Self dismisses this citation by contending that the play is “actually about the universal predicament of the human psyche balletically poised between fate and freedom,” and that “Ajax is a perpetrator rather than an innocent victim.” But the moral universe Self likes to invoke cannot so easily be divided between the innocent and the guilty, the perpetrators and the victims—an error, not incidentally, that Sophocles himself never would make. Further, Self here uses Modern notions of the psyche to describe what he claims to be a universal phenomenon, another example of making the exact mistake he claims others make, in this case, claiming the universality of trauma, which he contends is a Modern idea. Self goes on to sarcastically praise van der Kolk’s “exemplary patriotism” for not judging veterans for having participated in “wars undertaken since September 11 [that] have pitted overwhelming firepower against lightly-armed guerrilla forces.”

There’s a lot to unpack here, but we’ll start with the reality of the “stagings” of Ajax to which Self refers, claiming that this “perpetrator-friendly approach might appeal to the US military.” The project is called Theater of War, and it uses not just Ajax but other Greek tragedies as well. The plays are rarely, if ever, staged as such; they are informal reader’s theater-style performances, with town-hall-style question-and-answer sessions afterward. This reduces the sense of performance and increases the ability of those in the audience to process the play; it’s catharsis made manifest instead of implied in the work.

It never seems to occur to Self, though, that a veteran’s interpretation of Ajax might differ from his own, given that they have actually gone to war instead of just read about Charles Dickens’s reaction to a train crash. (More about that later.) Self commits the same fault, in this case, that White audiences of Raisin in the Sun did after its initial run, interpreting specific experiences of specific people as being necessarily universal. Early on, the producers of Theater of War noted that when Sophocles’s play was first staged, most, if not all, of those in the audience would have had lived through the realities of war, either as soldiers or as civilians at a time when war was literally much closer at hand.

Further, Self implies that the military somehow sanctions these performances. Theater of War is an independent organization, which has since branched out to use Greek tragedies to address other social issues as well, such as intimate partner violence and racial inequality. Notably, the early performances were aimed at veterans, not necessarily active-duty soldiers. And there is nothing about the performances that suggests absolution for the guilt that comes with having actively participated in war; rather, they are, to return to a theme, methods of sensemaking, of trying to get a handle on what happened “over there.”

Having worked with a veteran who took in one of these performances, I can say they do, in a very practical way, help people deal with what has come to be known as moral injury, another term Self fails to use, and, perhaps studiously ignores, as it would be hard to accuse all soldiers of being “perpetrators” of evil otherwise. The idea of moral injury is that being a soldier harms the soldier as well as anyone else caught up in the conflict. Rather than all being jolly killers happy to enlist in the ugly end of yet another example of American imperialism, most people who signed up to fight after 9-11 had a genuine, if misguided, sense of patriotism: they really believed they were on a mission to rid the world of terrorism. That they found themselves part of Dick Cheney’s cynical imperial project was only apparent to some of them later, when they were actually doing the fighting, a fact that only added to the moral injury they experienced. Sure, some of them were and remained terrible people, joining militias when they got back and joining the ranks of Trump’s irregulars. But most did not, opting instead to work for the greater good and to improve the lives of those around them. As the veteran I worked with, who was studying to become a social worker, put it: “I want to save at least as many people as I took out.”

To not be moved by this sentiment is to be without a soul, and as much as Self tries to constantly reclaim the moral high ground in his essay, to dismiss the experiences of the veterans of America’s forever wars as “perpetrators” suggests he doesn’t bring his to bear. These wars have been pointless and horrible, but to equate all the people doing the dirty work of a jacked-up US foreign policy with Cheney, Bush, and Rumsfeld, none of whom Self mentions, shows little understanding of morality at all and none of the empathy Self insists, at the outset, we reserve for him.

The term “guerrilla” better describes the scrappy anti-imperialist fighters of the Cold War than those faced by American troops in Iraq or Afghanistan. The Taliban and the Iraqi forces were the established powers in these nations when we invaded, and even al Qaeda had deep pockets and strong connections to Saudi power and wealth. Certainly, those forces were hopelessly outgunned, and their foot soldiers were in much the same positions as ours, but their overall aims were also imperial or, in the case of Saddam Hussein, neo-fascist. Need we remind Self how the Taliban treated women and all those it deemed insufficiently pious, or how Hussein treated his political enemies? Freedom-fighters they were not. We would have to look to the Kurds or the Yazidis to find Self’s guerrillas these days.

In Self’s desperation to deny that trauma is anything more than an invention of “disagreeable” Modernity, he assumes that Ajax is a depiction of trauma instead of a reaction to it, a recapitulation instead of sensemaking, a fallacy he commits throughout. That gets us back to Dickens, who Self quotes recounting a train wreck from which Dickens escapes unharmed: “But in writing these scanty words of recollection I feel the shake and am obliged to stop.” In quoting so, Self equates “the shakes,” or, as we might say today, being shaken up, with being traumatized. Dickens, who, it should be noted, had a flair for the dramatic, was suffering the same thing one experiences after a mild fender-bender: a rush of adrenaline, a cold sweat, quaking as the chemicals the body uses to address a threat move through the system and are metabolized out. We might recall this incident with similar responses for a week or two, maybe a month. Soon enough, though, we’re driving again, but maybe now with a bit more care.

Trauma is an order of magnitude more severe. In my case, the trauma I survived happened in a medical setting when I was five. Certain sights and smells, such as rubbing alcohol or hypodermic needles, still elicit a physical response over 40 years later. I cannot stop the response, but over time, I have learned to temper my reaction to it. When I encounter these triggers unexpectedly, my body tells me to flee, with my whole gait changing, my feet stopping mid-stride, though it would take a careful observer to see anything amiss. The veteran I worked with was unable to enter alone large buildings such as big-box stores because of an incident in Iraq in what he referred to as “the cement factory.” Self, for his part, follows up the Dickens quote with an excursion into the memory and Freud, and the idea that “the form that memory might take was framed in terms of metaphors derived from the emergent technologies of the era.” Rather than being any kind of insight into the nature of trauma, this is a fairly mundane reality of sensemaking: of course we do that; everyone does that. That is how culture works. That is how sensemaking works.

Rather than observing the birth of trauma at the birth of Modernity, Self merely recognizes how the people at the time made sense of what was already there. We do this with cognition as well: Plato has Socrates using the terms of caves and torches, shackles and sunlight—the available images. In the 20th Century we used light bulbs and electricity; in the 21st we use terms like processing and bandwidth.

In this light, it should be no surprise at all that Sophocles might describe the trauma of war differently than Freud did or than does the DSM. But if Self wants to see Sophocles tackle trauma and its impact on the psyche, he need look no further than Antigone, whose behavior after the loss of her brothers (in war, no less) aligns rather well with unaddressed grief: the inability to go forward until mourning can be properly done, the devaluation of her own life (so-called “survivor’s guilt”), acting out against authorities that want to control and contain her behavior. Compounding matters, as a woman in ancient Greek culture, Antigone’s life would have been closely tied to her male relations—her brothers, her uncle, and her betrothed—two of whom are taken from her by the intransigence and lack of empathy of the fourth. Sylvia Plath, also, addresses unprocessed grief in The Bell Jar and in “Daddy,” noting in the former, through Esther Greenwood, that she had not been truly happy in the intervening years since her father’s death, whose passing her mother did not let her mourn, an ancient/Modern connection that may have been illuminating had Self bothered to expand his scope.

A cross-cultural lens is instructive here, one Self fails to acknowledge is at work in his treatment of Ajax. We are not ancient Greeks, after all, even though we can see some similarities in how we think and feel. When international NGOs descended on Indonesia after a tsunami destroyed local fishing villages in 2003, they insisted in bringing a Western approach to the trauma the locals must have felt, treating it as PTSD. The fishermen insisted they needed to rebuild their boats and nets. They have their own way of dealing with trauma; that does not make the trauma not real for them. In fact, physical activity is known to be healing, an aspect of trauma treatment no drug, talk-therapy, or Will Self essay can ever meet. I know this from experience as well: pacing, walking, running, over the course of years, trying to work through the constant tension of my traumatic past, often doing this while I was watching the medical dramas of the ‘80s that also triggered me, slowly deprogramming my body’s responses through physical action, an ad hoc aversion therapy.

By denying that trauma is physiological and that it existed before Modernity, Self reimposes a dualism that predates Descartes but that, through him, has dominated Western thought far more completely than trauma theory ever has. We still use—and I use here—terms such as mental health in contradistinction to physical health. We say we want to treat mental health problems the same way we treat physical health problems, but then we work to understand physical ailments as part of the sociological and evolutionary forces impacting the human condition, all while denying the same to mental health. At the same time that somatic medicine recognizes that heart disease, hypertension, and diabetes can be related to stress, the DSM denies that general anxiety is related to stress at all, and insists, despite little evidence, that bipolar and schizophrenia are largely genetic. Even as we increasingly understand how the gut and the brain relate, we still speak of the “hard problem” of the mind versus the brain.

All of the prevailing good evidence points to a collapse of duality, not that the psychological is all immaterial, nor that it’s all biological, but that these experiences and states are always both/and, that our experiences have biological impacts and that those impacts influence how we think and feel. Indeed, traumatogenic explanations, including their physiological components, are much better at both explaining and predicting extreme states of mind and emotion than the framework of the DSM. Further, we can change our psychology and our physical reactions through what we think and through the meanings we ascribe to experiences, through our intentions, our relationships, and our connections. We do this every day when we learn, exercise, meditate, socialize, and engage with art.

Eastern philosophy has long recognized this lack of duality, and with no loss of moral reasoning. If the duality Self (re)posits for the sake of trauma really does reach the heart of the Western Logos, and the Western Logos fails to make meaning out of trauma, maybe it is about time we destroyed it.

It’s hard to say, in the end, what Self’s real intentions are, but his essay suggests he is angry at trauma theorists for presenting him with perspectives that conflict with his notion of a sound and ordered universe. Separating the psychological from the physical keeps things clean, clearly dividing the nasty realities of abuse, violence, cruelty, physical injury, tragedy, and misfortune from the ethereal reaches of the mind. It’s a world Self may want to live in, but it’s not the one we have, and dismissing it dismisses the experiences of literally millions of suffering people. There is nothing in Self’s essay for them.

Or maybe Will Self is just an asshole, begging for his readers’ empathy while being utterly unable to empathize with those whose lived experiences go anything beyond the merely “disagreeable.”

Thursday, May 27, 2021

DSM-5 Disorders I May Have Been Diagnosed with at Some Point In My Life

 

The following are mental disorders, as listed in the DSM-5, that may have been given to me at some point in my life (at least one of which was), given my actions (or lack thereof), feelings, thoughts, or states of mind, had they been observed or known.


Language Disorder

Autism Spectrum Disorder

Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder

Other Specified Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder

Unspecified Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder

Specific Learning Disorder

Developmental Coordination Disorder

Stereotypic Movement Disorder

Tic Disorder (motor, simple)

Tic Disorder (other, specified)

Tic Disorder (other, unspecified)

Neurodevelopmental Disorder (other, specified)

Neurodevelopmental Disorder (other, unspecified)

Brief Psychotic Disorder (with marked stressors, with catatonia)

Delusional Disorder, (erotomanic type)

Delusional Disorder (grandiose type)

Delusional Disorder (unspecified type)

Substance/Medication-Induced Psychotic Disorder

Catatonia (unspecified)

Other Psychotic Disorder (specified)

Other Psychotic Disorder (unspecified)

Bipolar I Disorder (with anxious distress)

Bipolar I Disorder (with mixed features)

Bipolar I Disorder (with rapid cycling)

Bipolar I Disorder (with melancholic features)

Bipolar I Disorder (with atypical features)

Bipolar I Disorder (with mood-congruent psychotic features)

Bipolar I Disorder (with catatonia)

Bipolar II Disorder (with anxious distress)

Bipolar II Disorder (with mixed features)

Bipolar II Disorder (with rapid cycling)

Bipolar II Disorder (with mood-congruent psychotic features)

Bipolar II Disorder (with catatonia)

Cyclothymic Disorder (with anxious distress)

Other Specified Bipolar and Related Disorder

Other Unspecified Bipolar and Related Disorder (with anxious distress)

Other Unspecified Bipolar and Related Disorder (with mixed features)

Other Unspecified Bipolar and Related Disorder (with rapid cycling)

Other Unspecified Bipolar and Related Disorder (with melancholic features)

Other Unspecified Bipolar and Related Disorder (with atypical features)

Other Unspecified Bipolar and Related Disorder (with mood-congruent psychotic features)

Other Unspecified Bipolar and Related Disorder (with catatonia)

Major Depressive Disorder (with anxious distress)

Major Depressive Disorder (with mixed features)

Major Depressive Disorder (with atypical features)

Major Depressive Disorder (with mood-congruent psychotic features)

Major Depressive Disorder (with catatonia)

Persistent Depressive Disorder (Dysthymia, with anxious distress)

Persistent Depressive Disorder (Dysthymia, with mixed features)

Persistent Depressive Disorder (Dysthymia, with melancholic features)

Persistent Depressive Disorder (Dysthymia, with atypical features)

Persistent Depressive Disorder (Dysthymia, with mood-congruent psychotic features)

Other Specified Depressive Disorder (recurrent, brief)

Other Specified Depressive Disorder (short-duration episode)

Other Specified Depressive Disorder (episode with insufficient symptoms)

Unspecified Depressive Disorder (with anxious distress)

Unspecified Depressive Disorder (with mixed features)

Unspecified Depressive Disorder (with melancholic features)

Unspecified Depressive Disorder (with atypical features)

Unspecified Depressive Disorder (with mood-congruent psychotic features)

Unspecified Depressive Disorder (with catatonia)

Specific Phobia (blood-injection-injury)

Generalized Anxiety Disorder

Other Specified Anxiety Disorder

Unspecified Anxiety Disorder

Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder (with good or fair insight)

Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder (with poor insight)

Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder (with absent insight/delusional beliefs)

Excoriation (Skin-Picking) Disorder

Other Specified Obsessive-Compulsive and Related Disorder

Unspecified Obsessive-Compulsive and Related Disorder

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (with dissociative symptoms, depersonalization)

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (with dissociative symptoms, derealization)

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder for Children 6 Years and Younger (with dissociative symptoms, depersonalization)

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder for Children 6 Years and Younger (with dissociative symptoms, derealization)

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder for Children 6 Years and Younger (with delayed expression)

Acute Stress Disorder

Adjustment Disorder (with depressed mood)

Adjustment Disorder (with anxiety)

Adjustment Disorder (with mixed anxiety and depressed mood)

Adjustment Disorder (with disturbance of conduct)

Adjustment Disorder (with mixed disturbance of emotions and conduct)

Adjustment Disorder (unspecified)

Other Specified Trauma-and-Stressor-Related Disorder

Depersonalization/Derealization Disorder

Other Specified Dissociative Disorder

Unspecified Dissociative Disorder

Somatic Symptom Disorder

Illness Anxiety Disorder (care-seeking type)

Other Specified Somatic Symptom Disorder

Unspecified Somatic Symptom Disorder

Avoidant/Reductive Food Intake Disorder

Anorexia Nervosa (restricting type)

Bulimia Nervosa

Insomnia Disorder (persistent)

Insomnia Disorder (recurrent)

Circadian Rhythm Sleep-Wake Disorder (advanced sleep-phase type, familial)

Circadian Rhythm Sleep-Wake Disorder (unspecified type, episodic)

Circadian Rhythm Sleep-Wake Disorder (persistent)

Circadian Rhythm Sleep-Wake Disorder (recurrent)

Nightmare Disorder (persistent, moderate)

General Personality Disorder

Borderline Personality Disorder

Avoidant Personality Disorder

Obsessive-Compulsive Personality Disorder

Personality Change Due to Another Medical Condition (labile type)

Personality Change Due to Another Medical Condition (apathetic type)

Personality Change Due to Another Medical Condition (other type)

Personality Change Due to Another Medical Condition (combined type)

Personality Change Due to Another Medical Condition (unspecified type)

Other Specified Personality Disorder

Unspecified Personality Disorder

Other Specified Mental Disorder

Unspecified Mental Disorder