by EW Wilder
I can't help but think that the real
problem with contemporary conservatism is that it traps people
between external motivation and the expectation of an internal locus
of control.
This produces the ultimate mindfuck, a
powerful manipulative tool that projects tyranny far beyond the
actual abilities of the oppressor to harm the oppressed.
It operates on the assumption that the
reason for doing something (work, kindness, being “accountable”)
is outside the person (the expectations of a vengeful
God/country/king/marketplace/CEO), but the responsibility for doing
something is entirely inside the person. This would explain
why conservatives can believe both in authoritarian hierarchies and
also believe in personal responsibility. Consider that conservatives
support command and control structures that rely on punishment rather
than reward, deterrent rather than cooperation, submission rather
than empowerment. But they also support “self-starters,”
entrepreneurship, and “freedom” broadly speaking. These things
would seem to be incompatible unless the external motivation/internal
locus of control theory is applied.
In the conservative paradigm (which
governs almost all of our corporate, educational, and executive
political systems), people are trapped into believing that if they
did not achieve the proper outcome it is always their fault for not
being responsible enough, even though they were “just following
orders,” “just doing their jobs,” or, in the case of the latest
economic downturn, “doing everything right” by investing in the
market. The fact that their failure was highly likely, if not
inevitable, given their circumstances and resources, is exactly why
those in power tend to be conservative and operate by this set of
assumptions, regardless of what they officially say. This is why
Barack Obama can run as a liberal but, when he gets into office,
“punish” his foreign enemies with drone strikes when they get out
of line; this is how he can espouse a drill-and-test educational
system and a regime of massive internal surveillance. All of these
are based on the premise that motivations are external while all
responsibility is internal. Consider the arguments: the Syrian
government must be motivated to do what we want by the threat of
force. Children and teachers alike must be motivated by the threat of
the exam, upon which rides both their academic and their professional
futures. At the same time, we say things like “Assad brought this
on himself,” and “children must live up to standards of
excellence.”
Thus trapped in untenable positions,
people have little choice but to internalize the master narrative and
feel that they can and should act only in ways prescribed by whatever
authority they see as most operative in their lives. These
authorities become the external arbiters of their behavior and help
define their orientations to authority until something else has
sufficient force to supplant it. Thus a “wild” teenager finds
what he believes is “discipline” in the army. What he finds, of
course, is fear, and he does not know what to do with himself without
its threat. This is at least partially why so many returning vets
have no idea how to re-integrate into civilian life: they have not
identified with the new externalities, and there are no real means in
our culture to nurture (much less make a living from) what motivates
us internally.
This form of social control is subtle,
brilliant, and ultimately disabling, leading us to seek control in
other, usually self-destructive, ways, such as self-medication,
controlling relationships, cutting, mind-numbing entertainments. If
we engage in these too much, we find ourselves enmeshed in the
officially and formally authoritarian systems of control: prisons,
coercive “welfare” schemes, psychiatric “care.”
Despite the rhetoric, then, or perhaps
as an indicator of its true intent, people acting out of intrinsic
motivations are an existential threat to conservatives and to the
systems of control and command that they embody, maintain, and seek
to perpetuate, This is why the “geek” must be ridiculed or, when
useful, corporatized and monetized, indentured into his “proper
place as an engineer or an apparatchik. This is why the artist must
be marginalized, the humanities department defunded, and “blue sky”
research turned vassal to technological R&D. This is why mere
refinement is redefined as innovation and innovation is relegated to
the garage, the coffeehouse, the alternative communities of
open-source software and “maker” spaces.
This is what Kafka got right: the
motivations of the artists, the innovators, those who will help our
civilization survive when our climate changes or the meteor falls,
are internal, as basic as hunger, as clear as sweat.
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